quarta-feira, 15 de abril de 2026

The 1825 Letter Doesn’t Tell a Story — It Exposes a System

 

"He is therefore sitting in the forest with the monkeys."

That is how the Swiss doctor Johann Baptist Joste described Xavier Wermelinger in 1825.

Not as a hero.
Not as a pioneer.
But as someone pushed out of a system that failed — or worse: one that worked exactly as intended for some.


What No One Told You About Colonization

For years, the same story was repeated:

Swiss people came.
They worked.
They prospered.

Clean. Simple. Convenient.

But the letter dated December 31, 1825 destroys that narrative in just a few pages.

Joste didn’t write to inspire.
He wrote to accuse.

And what he exposes is simple:

  • Money sent from Europe was diverted
  • Colonists were abandoned
  • Distribution was manipulated
  • The colony was established in an unsuitable location

This is not modern interpretation.
This is a contemporary account.


The Game Was Rigged

The subsidies existed.

They were raised by families, churches, and governments in Europe.
Their purpose was clear: to support emigrants.

But in Brazil, they passed through a “commission.”

And that’s where everything changed.

According to Joste:

  • A Prussian consul named Thermin controlled distribution
  • A merchant named Soll profited from loans with interest
  • The list favored French speakers
  • Germans had a cross next to their names — meaning: nothing

Nothing.

While some received sacks of resources, others received silence.


The Colony Was Not a Promise — It Was a Trap

Morro Queimado.

The name itself was a warning.

A cold, high-altitude region unsuitable for the promised crops.

Coffee, bananas, oranges — all died in the cold.

The colonists expected the tropics.
They found a planning failure — or a deliberate decision.

And while they still had money, they were trapped.

When they had nothing left… “freedom” appeared.

Convenient.


Xavier Wermelinger: The Man Outside the System

Among the list of 24 families appears:

Xavier Wermelinger, from Willisau.

Wood turner.
Wife.
7 or 8 children.
Status: “simple.”

But what matters is this:

He leased plot no. 61 and moved to Macaé.

He left.

While many remained trapped, Xavier made the most important move:

he abandoned the system.

He went where it was warmer.
Where coffee could grow.
Where survival was possible.


“Sitting in the Forest with the Monkeys”

This phrase is often read as irony.

But read it carefully.

It is not mockery.
It is diagnosis.

Xavier was no longer in the colony.
No longer in the structure.
No longer under control.

He was outside.

In the forest.
Isolated.
Without help.

But free from the system that crushed others.


The Truth That Remains

Xavier was not favored.
Not protected.
Not privileged.

He did not prosper because the system worked.

He survived despite it.

Tiago Torres Wermelinger
Wermelinger Archive — where history is verified, not repeated

Der Brief von 1825 erzählt keine Geschichte — er entlarvt ein System

 

"Er sitzt also im Wald bei den Affen."

So beschrieb der Schweizer Arzt Johann Baptist Joste im Jahr 1825 die Lage von Xavier Wermelinger.

Nicht als Held.
Nicht als Pionier.
Sondern als jemand, der aus einem System gedrängt wurde, das versagte — oder schlimmer noch: das für einige genau so funktionierte, wie es sollte.


Was man dir über die Kolonisation nie erzählt hat

Jahrelang wurde dieselbe Geschichte wiederholt:

Schweizer kamen.
Sie arbeiteten.
Sie prosperierten.

Schön. Sauber. Bequem.

Doch der Brief vom 31. Dezember 1825 zerstört diese Version auf wenigen Seiten.

Joste schreibt nicht, um zu inspirieren.
Er schreibt, um anzuklagen.

Und was er anklagt, ist einfach:

  • Geld aus Europa wurde veruntreut
  • Kolonisten wurden sich selbst überlassen
  • Die Verteilung wurde manipuliert
  • Die Kolonie wurde an einem ungeeigneten Ort errichtet

Das ist keine moderne Interpretation.
Das ist ein zeitgenössischer Bericht.


Das Spiel war manipuliert

Die Subventionen existierten.

Sie wurden von Familien, Kirchen und Regierungen in Europa gesammelt.
Ihr Ziel war klar: den Auswanderern zu helfen.

Doch in Brasilien gingen sie durch eine „Kommission“.

Und dort kippte das Spiel.

Laut Joste:

  • Ein preußischer Konsul namens Thermin kontrollierte die Verteilung
  • Ein Händler namens Soll verdiente an Krediten mit Zinsen
  • Die Liste bevorzugte Frankophone
  • Deutsche hatten ein Kreuz neben dem Namen — das bedeutete: nichts

Nichts.

Während einige Säcke voller Ressourcen erhielten, bekamen andere Schweigen.


Die Kolonie war kein Versprechen — sie war eine Falle

Morro Queimado.

Der Name war bereits eine Warnung.

Eine kalte Hochregion, ungeeignet für den versprochenen Anbau.

Kaffee, Bananen, Orangen — alles starb durch die Kälte.

Die Kolonisten erwarteten Tropen.
Sie fanden einen Planungsfehler — oder eine bewusste Entscheidung.

Und solange sie noch Geld hatten, waren sie gefangen.

Als sie nichts mehr hatten… kam die „Freiheit“.

Bequem.


Xavier Wermelinger: Der Mann außerhalb des Systems

Mitten in der Liste von 24 Familien erscheint der Name:

Xavier Wermelinger aus Willisau.

Drechsler.
Ehefrau.
7 oder 8 Kinder.
Status: „einfach“.

Doch das Entscheidende ist:

Er verpachtete Grundstück Nr. 61 und zog nach Macaé.

Er ging.

Während viele im kaputten System blieben, traf Xavier die wichtigste Entscheidung:

Er verließ das System.

Er ging dorthin, wo es wärmer war.
Wo Kaffee wachsen konnte.
Wo echte Überlebenschancen bestanden.


„Im Wald bei den Affen“

Dieser Satz wird oft als Ironie gelesen.

Aber lies ihn richtig.

Das ist kein Spott.
Das ist Diagnose.

Xavier war nicht mehr Teil der Struktur.
Nicht mehr unter Kontrolle.

Er war draußen.

Im Wald.
Isoliert.
Ohne Hilfe.

Aber frei von dem System, das andere zerstörte.


Die Wahrheit

Xavier wurde nicht begünstigt.
Nicht geschützt.
Nicht bevorzugt.

Er prosperierte nicht, weil das System funktionierte.

Er überlebte trotz ihm.

Tiago Torres Wermelinger
Archiv Wermelinger — wo Geschichte überprüft und nicht wiederholt wird

A Carta de 1825 Não Conta uma História — Ela Expõe um Sistema

 


"Está portanto sentado na floresta com os macacos."

Foi assim que o médico suíço Johann Baptist Joste descreveu Xavier Wermelinger em 1825.

Não como herói.
Não como pioneiro.
Mas como alguém que havia sido empurrado para fora de um sistema que falhou — ou pior: que funcionou exatamente como deveria para alguns.


O Que Ninguém Te Contou Sobre a Colonização

Durante anos, repetiram a mesma narrativa:

Suíços vieram.
Trabalharam.
Prosperaram.

Bonito. Limpo. Conveniente.

Mas a carta de 31 de dezembro de 1825 destrói essa versão em poucas páginas.

Joste não escreve para inspirar.
Ele escreve para denunciar.

E o que ele denuncia é simples:

  • Dinheiro enviado da Europa foi desviado

  • Colonos foram deixados sem apoio

  • A distribuição foi manipulada

  • A colônia foi implantada em um lugar inadequado

Isso não é interpretação moderna.
Isso é relato contemporâneo.


O Jogo Era Marcado

Os subsídios existiam.

Foram arrecadados com dinheiro de famílias, igrejas e governos na Europa.
Tinham destino claro: ajudar os emigrados.

Mas no Brasil, passaram por uma “comissão”.

E foi ali que o jogo virou.

Segundo Joste:

  • Um cônsul prussiano chamado Thermin controlava a distribuição

  • Um comerciante chamado Soll lucrava com empréstimos a juros

  • A lista de beneficiários favorecia francófonos

  • Os alemães ficavam com cruz ao lado do nome — ou seja: nada

Nada.

Enquanto alguns recebiam sacos de recursos, outros recebiam silêncio.


A Colônia Não Era Promessa — Era Armadilha

Morro Queimado.

O nome já era um aviso.

Uma região fria, de altitude, inadequada para o cultivo que havia sido prometido.

Café, banana, laranja — tudo morria com o frio.

Os colonos chegaram esperando o trópico.
Encontraram um erro de planejamento — ou uma decisão deliberada.

E enquanto ainda tinham dinheiro, estavam presos ali.

Quando ficaram sem nada… a “liberdade” apareceu.

Conveniente.


Xavier Wermelinger: O Homem Fora do Sistema

No meio da lista de 24 famílias, aparece o nome:

Xavier Wermelinger, de Willisau.

Torneiro.
Esposa.
7 ou 8 filhos.
Situação: “apenas simples”.

Mas o detalhe que importa não é esse.

É este:

Arrendou o terreno nº 61 e mudou-se para Macaé.

Ele saiu.

Enquanto muitos ficaram presos na estrutura quebrada, Xavier fez o movimento mais importante que um colono podia fazer:

abandonou o sistema.

Foi para onde havia calor.
Para onde o café podia crescer.
Para onde existia chance real de sobrevivência.


“Sentado na Floresta com os Macacos”

A frase de Joste é frequentemente lida como ironia.

Mas lê direito.

Aquilo não é desprezo.
É diagnóstico.

Xavier não estava na colônia.
Não estava na estrutura.
Não estava sob controle.

Ele estava fora.

Na mata.
Isolado.
Sem ajuda.

Mas livre da engrenagem que esmagava os outros.


A Verdade Que Fica

Xavier não foi beneficiado.

Não foi protegido.

Não foi privilegiado.

Ele não prosperou porque o sistema funcionou.

Ele sobreviveu apesar dele.


E Isso Muda Tudo

Porque a história não começa com prosperidade.

Começa com ruptura.

Com saída.

Com decisão sob pressão.

O que veio depois — fazendas, cidades, descendentes — não nasceu de um plano bem-sucedido.

Nasceu de gente que percebeu cedo que o plano não funcionava.

E saiu.


Fonte

A carta original, escrita por Johann Baptist Joste em 1825, encontra-se hoje transcrita e preservada no Arquivo Wermelinger, com menção direta a Xavier Wermelinger e às condições reais da colônia suíça no Brasil.


Tiago Torres Wermelinger  

Arquivo Wermelinger — onde a história é verificada, não repetida

Não preserva histórias bonitas.
Preserva o que realmente aconteceu.

sábado, 11 de abril de 2026

Xavier, the Weaver — What Dr. Jost Wrote About Our Patriarch in 1825

 


Wermelinger Archive — afamiliawermelinger.blogspot.com


On New Year's Eve 1825, a Swiss doctor sat down to write a letter. He was in Campos dos Goytacazes, six days' journey from the colony he had left behind. He was 46 years old, had a wife, four living children, and a suppressed rage that could no longer fit inside his chest.

The doctor's name was Johann Baptist Jost. A native of Willisau in the Canton of Lucerne, he had embarked six years earlier on the same ship as François Xavier Wermelinger — the Heureux Voyage, which had precious little of the "happy voyage" its name promised. Now, from the other side of the ocean, he was writing to Schultheiss Amrhyn, the head of the Lucerne government, to give an account of what had happened to each of the Lucerne families that had left Switzerland in July 1819.

The letter, dated 31 December 1825, is held at the Staatsarchiv Luzern under the call number AKT 24/60.B.3. The full text was published by Martin Nicoulin in La genèse de Nova Friburgo (pages 296–303). It is an extraordinary document — an unfiltered, first-hand account by someone who lived through what he describes.


The Neighbour from Willisau

Jost and Wermelinger were not merely fellow countrymen. In the official list of Lucerne emigrants (BF 52, Staatsarchiv Luzern), their names appear side by side:

Entry 35: Wermelinger Xavier — Willisau — age 44 Entry 43: Jost Johann Baptist — Willisau — age 40 — Arzt und Secretaire (physician and secretary)

They embarked together. They crossed the Atlantic on the same ship. They arrived together in Nova Friburgo on 1 January 1820. Xavier was assigned lot no. 61. Jost received another lot in the same colony. They lived as neighbours in the early years, until both, for different reasons, concluded that this cold and barren land was no place to raise children.


"Sitzt im Wald mit den Affen"

In his letter, Jost describes each Lucerne family — one by one, without pity and without embellishment. When Xavier's turn comes, he writes:

"12. Wermelinger Xavier, von Willisau, — Trexler, — s Frau, und 7 oder 8 Kindern; nur simple. Hat Colonie-Land No. 61 verpachtet, und zog aus nach Macahé, etwas besser und wärmer als Colonie Land für Café. — sitzt allso im Wald mit den Affen."

In translation:

"Wermelinger Xavier, of Willisau — weaver — his wife and 7 or 8 children; merely simple. Leased out colonial lot no. 61 and moved to Macaé, somewhat better and warmer than the colony land for coffee. — So he sits in the forest with the monkeys."


What These Lines Tell Us

Every word matters. Let us examine what Jost reveals:

Trexler — weaver. In the official list of 1819 (BF 52), Xavier's occupation column was blank, while his neighbours on the list were recorded as carpenters, cobblers, bakers, and physicians. Now we know: Xavier was a weaver. He worked at a loom in Willisau. He was not a farmer. He was not a building tradesman. He was a man of fine hands — who was set to felling tropical forest with an axe.

"Nur simple" — merely simple. Jost spares no one in his letter. Some he calls "drunkards", "idlers", "vagabonds". Of Xavier he says only that he was "simple" — humble folk, without pretensions, without money. This is not an insult. It is the observation that Xavier had no capital to buy slaves, mules, or ready-made farms. He had only arms, family, and stubbornness.

"7 oder 8 Kindern" — 7 or 8 children. Xavier had embarked with 6 living children (a seventh, Johann Baptist, had died on board on 28 November 1819, at only one year of age). By 1825, six years after arrival, there were already 7 or 8. The children born in Brazil were beginning to arrive. The family grew even in adversity.

"Verpachtet" — leased out. Xavier did not sell lot 61 in Nova Friburgo. He leased it out. He maintained his connection to the land he had been granted, but recognised that it was impossible to prosper there. The colony lay in a cold mountain range where, as Jost himself describes elsewhere in the letter, "only beans, maize, poor potatoes, and garden vegetables" could grow; "for all the Southern and inland cultivated plants and fruits — bananas, pineapples, coffee, oranges, lemons, etc. — hundreds of them — do grow, but die at the first cold spell."

"Macahé" — he moved to Macaé. Xavier descended from the highlands. He sought warmer, lower land where coffee could grow. He did not go alone: Jost notes that Josef Meyer, another Lucerne colonist, "moved with Wermelinger to Macaé to plant coffee." They went together, as they had gone together on the ship, as they had gone together from Willisau to Basel, from Basel to Rotterdam, from Rotterdam to Texel, from Texel to Rio de Janeiro, from Rio to Nova Friburgo. Solidarity among compatriots was all that remained when everything else failed.

"Sitzt im Wald mit den Affen" — he sits in the forest with the monkeys. This phrase is pure Jost: sharp, blunt, almost cruel. But it is not a judgement — it is a literal description. Xavier was deep in the Atlantic Forest, felling trees, planting coffee, surrounded by monkeys. A Swiss weaver of 50, in the tropical jungle of Macaé. The image is at once absurd and heroic.


The Path That Emerges

With Jost's letter, we can now reconstruct Xavier's first years in Brazil:

July 1819 — Departs Willisau with his wife Catharina Egglin (Kathrina Eggli) and six children. Xavier is 44 years old. He renounces his Lucerne citizenship forever.

10 October 1819 — Embarks on the Heureux Voyage at Texel, Holland. The ship carries 442 colonists from Valais, Lucerne, Solothurn, and Schwyz.

28 November 1819 — Johann Baptist Wermelinger, the youngest son, dies on board at only one year of age. He is one of six Lucerne children to die at sea.

1 January 1820 — Arrives in Nova Friburgo. Receives house no. 81 and lot no. 61 at Morro Queimado.

1820–1822 — Attempts to cultivate the land. The climate is too cold. Coffee will not grow. The provisions promised by the treaty do not arrive, or arrive in the wrong hands. Hunger looms.

~1822–1825 — Leases out lot 61 and descends to Macaé with Josef Meyer. Begins planting coffee on warmer land. New children are born.

31 December 1825 — Jost, on the other side of the province, records what he has heard: Xavier is in the Macaé forest with 7 or 8 children. Simple. Alive. Planting.

Later, Xavier will move on to Aldeia da Pedra — present-day Itaocara — where, around 1860, he will personally meet the Swiss diplomat Johann Jakob von Tschudi and tell him, with the authority of a man who has lived through it all, that "the first twelve to fifteen years were hard and full of bitter disappointments, marked by misery — but afterwards, things improved, and he was living contentedly."


Dr. Jost — A Portrait

It is worth knowing the man who wrote about Xavier. Johann Baptist Jost was born in Willisau around 1779. He was a physician and secretary — the only professional among the Lucerne emigrants. He embarked with his wife Marianna Barth and six children. Two died in the first months: Marianna (aged 3) on 14 January 1820, and Genovefa (aged 6 months) on 6 December 1819.

Jost left the colony in the autumn of 1821. He spent three and a half months at Aldeia da Pedra, then three full years at São Fidélis, and finally settled in Campos dos Goytacazes, where he practised medicine with an imperial licence. He described himself as "glücklich von 100 die 99 weg-practizierend" — "happily curing 99 out of 100".

His closest friend was Wendelin Rüttimann, a goldsmith from Sursee, who in a separate letter from the same period wrote: "Dr. Joste von Willisau ist immer mein bester Kamerad und Freund gewesen" — "Dr. Jost of Willisau has always been my best comrade and friend."

Jost's letter is not neutral. He denounces corruption in the subsidies sent from Switzerland, accuses intermediaries of theft, and is outraged by the discrimination against the German-speaking colonists. But neither is he unjust: he acknowledges that "whoever set out with God! Whoever set out with foresight! Whoever thought: every beginning is hard, and we parents will have to endure and suffer much in the early years, but it is our highest duty to care for our dear children and help them to advance and prosper" — such a person did not fare badly.

Xavier Wermelinger, the simple weaver who went into the forest with the monkeys, appears to have been one of those.


The Sources

This article is based on the following primary sources, all preserved at the Staatsarchiv Luzern:

  • BF 52 — Official list of the Lucerne emigrants of 1819 (Nahmens-Verzeichnis der nach Brasilien ausgewanderten Individuen des Kantons Luzern)
  • AKT 24/60.B.3 — Letter from Johann Baptist Jost to Schultheiss Amrhyn, 31 December 1825
  • AKT 24/60.B.3 — Letter from Josef Wendelin Rüttimann to Eduard Pfyffer, 11 August 1825
  • AKT 24/60.A.3 — Letter from Franz Hunkeler to Councillor Vinzenz Hegi, 20 May 1820

The full text of the Jost letter was published in: Nicoulin, Martin, La genèse de Nova Friburgo. Emigration et colonisation suisse au Brésil 1817–1827, Fribourg, 1973, pp. 296–303.

A book devoted to the Wermelinger family: Abib, Alberto Lima, A família Wermelinger: uma aventura em dois continentes (a imigração suíça de 1819/1820), Nova Friburgo, 2000.

General historical context: Bossard-Borner, Heidi, Im Bann der Revolution. Der Kanton Luzern 1798–1831/5, Luzern, 1998 (LHV 34), p. 297.


APPENDIX I — Official List of the Lucerne Emigrants, 1819 (Extract)

Source: Staatsarchiv Luzern, call number BF 52 Nahmens-Verzeichnis der nach Brasilien ausgewanderten Individuen des Kantons Luzern, 1819

The original document records that the emigrants departed on 12 July 1819 ("unterm 12. Heumonat"), under the supervision of the government-appointed commissioner Captain Kaspar Theiler of Lucerne, and that they renounced forever their previous citizenship rights in the Canton of Lucerne ("auf immer auf ihr bisher im Kanton Luzern besessenes Heimatrecht Verzicht geleistet").

Amt Willisau — Entry for the Wermelinger family:

No. Name Home municipality Place of residence Age Occupation Death
35 Wermelinger Xavier Willisau Willisau 44
36 Kathrina Eggli 37
37 1. Xavier (son) 10
38 2. Josef 7
39 3. Steffan 6
40 4. Johann Baptist 1 28.11.1819
41 5. Kathrina 9
42 6. Marianna 4

Following entry — the Jost family (neighbours in Willisau):

No. Name Home municipality Place of residence Age Occupation Death
43 Jost Johann Baptist Willisau Willisau 40 Arzt und Secretaire
44 Marianna Barth
45 1. Johann Baptist 9
46 2. Anton 7
47 3. Thomas 6
48 4. Franz 4
49 5. Marianna 3 14.1.1820
50 6. Genovefa ½ 6.12.1819

Note: The final column (date of death) was added subsequently based on Abib, Lima, Wermelinger, p. 82 ff.


APPENDIX II — Letter from Dr. Johann Baptist Jost, 31 December 1825 (Extracts)

Source: Staatsarchiv Luzern, call number AKT 24/60.B.3 Sender: Joh. Bapt. Joste, Arzt und Wundarzt, Campos dos Goytacazes Recipient: Schultheiss Amrhyn, Luzern Publication: Nicoulin, Martin, La genèse de Nova Friburgo, Fribourg, 1973, pp. 296–303

Original text — entry no. 12, on Xavier Wermelinger:

"12. Wermelinger Xavier, von Willisau, - Trexler, - s Frau, und 7 oder 8 Kindern; nur simple. Hat Colonie-Land No. 61 verpachtet, und zog aus nach Macahé, etwas besser und wärmer als Colonie Land für Café. - sitzt allso im Wald mit den Affen."

Translation: "Wermelinger Xavier, of Willisau — weaver — his wife and 7 or 8 children; merely simple. Leased out colonial lot no. 61 and moved to Macaé, somewhat better and warmer than the colony land for coffee. So he sits in the forest with the monkeys."

Original text — entry no. 10, Josef Meyer (moved together with Xavier):

"10. Meyer Jos. - schon 2 mal Witwer in Colonie, und sey wieder verehel. - halbhölzerner Kerl, so-so. Zog mit Wermelinger nach Macahé, um Cafe-pflanzen. zanken alle Nachbarn brav Tochter in Rio verheyr. Sohn Jos. - weiss nicht."

Translation: "Meyer Josef — already twice widowed in the colony, and has remarried — a rather clumsy fellow, so-so. Moved with Wermelinger to Macaé to plant coffee. Quarrels heartily with all his neighbours. Daughter married in Rio. Son Josef — don't know."

Original text — on the colony and its land:

"Denn Morro-Queimado liegt in einer hohen kalten u. angeerischen Serra, oder Gebirgskette, bey 40 Meilen, wie Bündten-Glarus,-Uri,-Wallis etc. zusammengesetzt allso hin und wieder nur ein etwas besseres Hochthal darin, um Bohnen, Mais, Kartoffeln bös, und Garten-Gewächs zu pflanzen; denn alle Süd- und hinländischen zahme Gewächse und Früchten, z.B. Bananas, Ananas, Café, -Pommeranzen, Zitronen u.s.w. Hunderte, wachsen zwar, sterben aber bey erstem Kaltwerden wieder ab."

Translation: "For Morro Queimado lies in a high, cold, and hostile Serra, or mountain chain, some 40 miles across, like the Grisons, Glarus, Uri, and Valais put together — thus only here and there a somewhat better highland valley in which to plant beans, maize, poor potatoes, and garden vegetables; for all the Southern and inland cultivated plants and fruits — bananas, pineapples, coffee, oranges, lemons, etc. — hundreds of them — do grow, true, but die at the first onset of cold."

Original text — on who prospered:

"Wer auszog mit Gott! - wer auszog mit Bedacht! wer daran dachte: - Aller Anfang ist schwer, und Wir Eltern werden vieles erfahren, und leiden müssen die Ersten Jahre, es ist aber unsere hohe Pflicht für unsere lieben Kinder zu sorgen, und Ihnen zu Ihrem Auf- und Fortkommen zu helfen."

Translation: "Whoever set out with God! Whoever set out with foresight! Whoever thought: every beginning is hard, and we parents will have to endure and suffer much in the early years, but it is our highest duty to care for our dear children and help them to advance and prosper."

Original text — on corruption in the subsidies:

"Dass die armen Colonisten immerfort, von Anfang bis Dato, um eigenes, mitgebrachtes, versprochenes lt. Tractat, und Nachgesandtes zur Aufhilfe, beeinträchtigt, betrogen, u. bestohlen worden."

Translation: "That the poor colonists were, from the beginning to the present day, cheated, deceived, and robbed — both of what was their own and brought from home, of what had been promised by the treaty, and of what had been sent afterwards as relief."

Original text — on Jost himself:

"16. Joste, Joh. Bapt., von Willisau, seit 1821 Spätjahr. erstlich 3 1/2 Mon. in Aldéa de Pedra, bey Capuziner Ths. di Castelli etc., dann 3 volle Jahr bei Aldéa de S. Fideles, izt seit Ende März hier in Stadt Campos etabliert, und mit Kayserl. Patente als Arzt und Chirurg, glücklich von 100 = die 99 weg-practizierend; Mit Frau und 4 Knaben, gut zufrieden."

Translation: "Jost, Joh. Bapt., of Willisau, since the autumn of 1821. First 3½ months at Aldeia da Pedra, with the Capuchins of Ths. di Castelli, etc., then 3 full years at Aldeia de São Fidélis, now since the end of March established here in the city of Campos, and with an Imperial patent as physician and surgeon, happily curing 99 out of 100; with wife and 4 boys, well satisfied."

Signature:

"Das wünscht aus innigstem Hertzen Hochderselben! immerfort dankbarer, und getreuer alter Mitbürger und Diener, Joh. Bapt. Joste, Arzt und Wundarzt, m.p. Beendigt heute den 31 Dezbre 1825."

Translation: "This is the heartfelt wish of Your Excellency's ever grateful and faithful former fellow citizen and servant, Joh. Bapt. Jost, physician and surgeon. Concluded today, 31 December 1825."


APPENDIX III — Letter from Franz Hunkeler, 20 May 1820 (Extracts)

Source: Staatsarchiv Luzern, call number AKT 24/60.A.3 Sender: Franz Hunkeler, Nova Friburgo Recipient: Councillor Vinzenz Hegi, Luzern

Original text — on the deaths at sea:

"Von dem Luzerner Convoi starben auf dem Meer nicht mehr als 6 Personen jedoch nur Kinder, nemlich 3 dem Josef Huober, 1 dem X. Wermelinger, und 2 dem Haslimann, obschon wir sehr enge eingepackt wurden."

Translation: "Of the Lucerne convoy, no more than 6 persons died at sea, but only children: 3 belonging to Josef Huber, 1 to X. Wermelinger, and 2 to Haslimann, although we were packed in very tightly."

Original text — on the crossing:

"Den 11ten Oktober 1819 fuhren wir 450 Köpf auf dem Schiffe der glücklichen Reise in Texel in Holland ab. Wir hatten immer guten Wind und würden gewiss in 7 Wochen in Rio Janeiro angekommen sein, wenn uns nicht auf dem Canarischen Meer nicht alle 3 Mastbäume abgebrochen wären."

Translation: "On 11 October 1819 we set sail, 450 souls on the ship of the Happy Voyage, from Texel in Holland. We always had good wind and would surely have arrived in Rio de Janeiro in 7 weeks, had not all 3 masts broken off in the Canary Sea."

Original text — on conditions aboard:

"Nichts ist auf dem Meer zu fürchten als bei einem solchen Transport von Menschen, so dass viele Ungeziefer, alles, niemand ausgenommen wird voll Läuse und Flöch."

Translation: "There is nothing to fear at sea except, in such a transport of people, the plague of vermin: everyone, without exception, becomes covered in lice and fleas."

Original text — list of Lucerne dead to May 1820:

"Gestorben sind nun von Luzern von Haus bis dato a. von Familie Büttler Kind — 2 b. Haslimann Kind — 2 c. Hecht Alois Sohn — 1 d. Huobers Frau und Kinder — 5 e. Hunkelers Frau und 2 Kinder — 3 f. Luterbach alt und Kind — 2 g. Meyers Frau und 2 Kind — 3 h. Michel Rütiman und Frau und 1 Kind — 3 i. Wendel Rütimans Frau und Kind — 2 k. Jost Babtist Kinder — 2 l. Wetterwald Familie ganz bis an 1 Kind — 6 m. Wermelinger Kind — 1"

Total: 32 Lucerne dead between the departure (July 1819) and May 1820. Of 140 who set out, 108 arrived alive and survived the first months. The Wetterwald family from Ohlisrüti near Willisau lost nearly all its members — the father died in Holland, the wife and four children died in Nova Friburgo; only one child survived.


APPENDIX IV — Letter from Wendelin Rüttimann, 11 August 1825 (Extracts)

Source: Staatsarchiv Luzern, call number AKT 24/60.B.3 Sender: Josef Wendelin Rüttimann, Campos dos Goytacazes Recipient: Eduard Pfyffer, President of the Polizei-Rath, Luzern

Original text — on his friendship with Dr. Jost:

"Schon auf unserer ganzen Reise und fortwährend in diesem unserm neuen Vaterlande ist Dr. Joste von Willisau immer mein bester Kamerad und Freund gewesen, und danke ihm viel Gutthaten zu meinem Fortkommen. Er ist glüklich und wohl."

Translation: "Throughout our entire journey and continually in this our new fatherland, Dr. Jost of Willisau has always been my best comrade and friend, and I owe him many kindnesses for my advancement. He is happy and well."

Original text — on the colony's land:

"Wäre unsere in eine solche fruchtbare Gegend verlegt worden – ja! es wäre wohl anders gegangen. Aber wo sie ist, kann und wird nichts werden. Zu kalt. Nur Mais, Bohnen und Erdäpfel kommen davon."

Translation: "Had our colony been placed in such a fertile region — yes! Things would surely have gone differently. But where it is, nothing can or will come of it. Too cold. Only maize, beans, and potatoes come of it."

Original text — on Aldeia da Pedra and the Dispersal:

"Viele sind nach Minas, Aldèa da Pedra, haben Land umsonst bekommen, und stehn nicht bös, was will aber ein Mann allein mit Weib und kleinen Kindern machen, die ihm nichts helfen können."

Translation: "Many have gone to Minas, Aldeia da Pedra, received land for free, and are not badly off — but what can a man alone with wife and small children do, when they cannot help him in any way?"

Original text — on Rüttimann's personal losses:

"In Medenblek, einer Stadt in Holland, starb mein Töchterlein Mariannli, schon krank in Dordrecht eingeschift; in Neufreiburg am 12. Horner 1820 starb meine liebe Gattin Margaritha Imbach an einer unglüklichen Niederkunft, und abgeschwächt von den Beschwerden der Reise und mehreren Umständen."

Translation: "In Medemblik, a town in Holland, my little daughter Mariannli died, already ill when embarked at Dordrecht; in Nova Friburgo on 12 February 1820 my dear wife Margaritha Imbach died from an unhappy delivery, weakened by the hardships of the journey and various circumstances."


APPENDIX V — Staatsarchiv Luzern Page on Nova Friburgo

The Staatsarchiv Luzern maintains a page devoted to the Lucerne emigration of 1819, authored by Markus Lischer, with the BF 52 name list, letter extracts, and bibliographical references. Available at:

https://staatsarchiv.lu.ch/schaufenster (Nova Friburgo section)

The page notes that the primary sources are gathered in an archival box under the call number AKT 24/60, containing the letters from Hunkeler (1820), Rüttimann (1825), and Jost (1825), as well as the voyage regulations. The name list is held under the call number BF 52.

The Staatsarchiv also holds in its library:

  • Abib, Alberto Lima, A família Wermelinger: uma aventura em dois continentes, Nova Friburgo, 2000. Call number: G.h 37
  • Abib, Alberto Lima, E os Suíços chegaram!!, Nova Friburgo, 2004. Call number: Bro B 2756

Further literature cited by the Staatsarchiv:

  • Nicoulin, Martin, La genèse de Nova Friburgo. Emigration et colonisation suisse au Brésil 1817–1827, Fribourg, 1973
  • Bucher-Häfliger, Josef, "Rottaler finden in Brasilien eine neue Heimat", Willisauer Bote, 23 May 1997
  • Jurt, Joseph, "Auf Willisauer Spuren in Brasilien", Quattro, No. 1, 3 January 2004
  • Jurt, Joseph, "Schweizer Emigration nach Brasilien. Aus der Sicht des Willisauers Joseph Hecht", Heimatkunde Wiggertal 2026, pp. 153–161
  • Weibel-Knupp, Anita, "Schweizer Auswanderung nach Brasilien 1819", Jahrbuch SGFF 42 (2015), pp. 223–268

Tiago Torres Wermelinger Duas Barras, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil April 2026

Direct descendant of François Xavier Wermelinger (Willisau ~1775 — Brazil ~1870)